History of Drugs in Ancient Rome

In the fascinating journey through the history of drugs, Ancient Rome stands out as a civilization that profoundly shaped our modern understanding of psychoactive substances. As in classical Greece, the term phármakon in Rome did not clearly distinguish between medicine and drug, encompassing both the concept of remedy and poison. This ambiguity contrasts markedly with contemporary culture, where a dividing line is often drawn between drugs and medicines.

Today in Cannactiva ‘s blog we have the collaboration of Jorge Melero and Jorge Escohotado, partners of La Emboscadura, monographic publishing house of Antonio Escohotado, author of the famous General History of Drugsto talk about the history of drugs in Ancient Rome.

Drug legislation in Ancient Rome

The influence of Roman culture on the development of various disciplines is undeniable, and its approach to pharmaceuticals is no exception. As in Greece, the concept of phármakon in Rome remained ambiguous, covering both the remedy and the poison.

Perhaps one of the most important parts of the legacy of this civilization lies in the law; its imprint is still present in today’s legislation. It is therefore worth asking what Roman law dictated about these substances. Its position on the matter is reflected in the Lex CorneliaThe only Roman legal document that we find in relation to drugs, in force from the Roman Republic until the decline of the Empire: “drug is an indifferent word, which fits both what serves to kill and what serves to cure, and the filters of love, but this law only reproves what is used to kill someone” (D’Ors, 1975, p. 699). That is to say, the legislation only prohibited the use of drugs when there was a homicidal intention, in addition, it makes explicit the idea that drugs serve both to kill and to cure.

Interestingly, Roman legislation focused on protecting users from scams and counterfeits, a common problem for example in the opium market, where the quality of the product varied and was often adulterated with other substances.

Antonio Escohotado says that it is precisely this protection of the substance that has avoided the social problems associated with its consumption, preventing ignorance and marginalization with respect to it: “Thus it is understood that in Greco-Roman culture – with millions of constant users over the centuries – its consumption did not produce the slightest hint of individual or collective problems” (Escohotado, 1998, p. 128).

Paradoxically, today the law does not punish the adulteration of illicit substances as long as they are adulterated with legal substances. This practice is even rewarded in some way. When a trafficker is arrested with large quantities of illegal drugs, the penalty is based on the actual percentage of the illegal substance present.

Although there is an aggravating circumstance in the legislation for adulteration of the substance with another that produces a greater direct harm to the health of the consumer, this law is very precarious, since there is a threshold of illicit substance seized to be considered a drug trafficking crime, and therefore be able to apply the aggravating circumstance, and this threshold is calculated based on the actual percentage of the illegal drug. For example, a trafficker facing a conviction in which X amount of suspected heroin has been seized, but the laboratory indicates that of that amount, only 20% is actually heroin, and that 20% does not exceed the threshold established as the minimum amount to be considered drug trafficking, will not be considered trafficking and the aggravating circumstance will not be applied. This happens even if the adulterant is more toxic than the drug itself, as long as it is legal. And it is precisely here where there are margins of relative impunity that the new Penal Code has not been able to correct by simply transcribing the old article 344.bis.a) without the slightest critical spirit. Suffice it to think, for example, of a stash of 300 grams of heroin with a 15 percent richness of heroin hydrochloride in terms of the totality of the mixture. In this case, the active ingredient would not exceed 45 grams, so the notorious importance would be inapplicable as it would not reach the limit of 60 grams required for the application of the specific aggravating circumstance (Porcellar, 1999, p.6). (Porcellar, 1999, p.6).

This circumstance evidences a remarkable problem that is not limited to the total lack of protection of the consumer by the authorities, but extends to the totally irresponsible favoring of this kind of practices that are so potentially harmful to public health.

Opium in Rome

Opium occupied a central place in Roman medicine, similar to its role in ancient Greece. Pliny the Elder mentions that “the opium poppy always enjoyed favor among the Romans” (Theophrastus, 1483, p. 169), who used it both for its sedative properties and to induce restful sleep. The consumption of this drug was particularly common and was fully integrated into daily life: “For the Romans, the habit of consuming opium was no different from the habit of eating certain foods, doing certain bodily exercises or going to bed and getting up at a certain time” (Escohotado, 1998, p. 128).

There was a social consensus around two basic issues related to opium; the first was the basic right of anyone to fight against pain and suffering by making use of all the means at their disposal, the other, the same right to decide not to continue fighting and to opt for sedation or euthanasia.

In ancient Mediterranean art, the opium poppy, from which opium is extracted, represents sleep and oblivion. Somnus, the personification of sleep, is depicted pouring poppy juice over the eyelids of sleepers from a horn, known as the “opium horn” (Escohotado, 1998).

Claudius Galen (129-199), the only physician comparable to Hippocrates in the classical era, consecrated the therapeutic use of opium. Born in the city of Bergamo, known for its poppy population and its temple to Asclepius, Galen saw opium poppy juice as the paradigm of a vegetable drug. For him, opium encapsulates the duality of being both a poison and a remedy, emphasizes in it a magical capacity to cure, and attributes this capacity precisely to the fact that it threatens to kill. Considered by Galerno as “fourth degree cold”, while other drugs such as mandrake are considered third degree, opium has “an incomparable soporific and analgesic power” (Escohotado, 1998, p. 127), which makes it an effective tool in multiple therapies, with special application to reduce body temperature or calm agitation.

In Galen’s conception, opium was not simply a medical tool; it was a symbol of the complexity inherent in human nature and medicine, hence his consideration that it is precisely its danger that makes it such a magnificent remedy.

Opium was not only a medicinal tool, but also a philosophical and existential resource. Its use for sedation, pain relief, and sleep induction resonated deeply with the Roman view of life and death. Beyond a right, euthanasia was seen as an ethical duty of the patient and those around him (Escohotado, 1998).

This conception of mors tempestiva was reflected in the philosophical texts of the time, where opium became a means to achieve moral autonomy, increasing man’s power to control his destiny and ensuring a dignified death when life became untenable.

The Roman opium market was complex and diversified, with demand exceeding supply. This led to a flourishing trade in Egyptian and Mesopotamian opium, exported mainly from Alexandria, and the proliferation of counterfeits. Long Scribonius, for example, insisted on the importance of obtaining opium directly from the latex of the opium poppy, while Dioscorides and Pliny the Elder offered detailed criteria for avoiding swindling and determining the purity of opium (Escohotado, 1998), demonstrating a deep familiarity with and admiration for the genuine product.

In addition, it was forbidden to speculate on the price of this merchandise; prices were stipulated by the government, which prevented the free market together with excess demand from leaving the poorest sector of the population without a commodity then considered a basic necessity, like flour or wool. Finally, it should be noted that a large part of the tax revenues came from the opium trade.

Alcohol in Ancient Rome

Wine was widely consumed by the Romans and played a central role in many aspects of their society. Writers such as Cicero and Pliny the Elder frequently mention wine consumption. At Roman banquets, wine was served in large quantities and was an essential part of hospitality and celebration. In addition, wine was used in religious rituals dedicated to gods such as Bacchus (Dionysus in Greek mythology), where it symbolized divine communion and purification.

The Bacchic cult, associated with the Greek god Dionysus, involved orgiastic rituals and mysteries celebrating spiritual liberation through ecstasy and wine. These practices, upon arriving in Rome, met with strong resistance from Roman society and government, concerned about their destabilizing potential.

The Romans, despite being great consumers of wine, imposed significant restrictions on its consumption. For example, those under thirty years of age and women were traditionally excluded from this practice (Lewin, 1970).

In 186 B.C., the consuls Spurius Postumius and Quintus Martius became aware of the existence of nocturnal bacchanals in Rome, although this was not something new but had been going on for decades (Escohotado, 1998). The response was immediate and severe, marking the beginning of an unprecedented persecution.

At first, the bacchanals were exclusively female and were held three days a year. Over time, men were included and the ceremonies were moved to the night, extending to five dates per month. From then on, “no form of crime was left unperformed” (Escohotado, 1998, p. 140) in these rites, which had grown to almost constitute “a second state” (Escohotado, 1998, p. 140), with the participation of high-ranking individuals.

The crusade initiated by Postumius encountered serious difficulties in locating the citizens who participated in this kind of rites. Until then, Roman law had contemplated the intrusion of one person in the liberties of another, and had made use of complaints to solve such mishaps, however, no one denounced the bacchanals, since they did not exert a direct damage on any individual.

The legal norms of the time would have required the infiltration of observers in the ceremonies and the verification of specific crimes (Escohotado, 1998). Instead, “he took care of attracting informers through rewards” (Escohotado, 1998, p. 140), that is, any citizen who provided information about the bacchanals would receive an economic reward.

This method of using paid informers was new in Roman law and represented a direct intrusion on the individual liberties of the population. It is estimated that more than 7,000 people participated in this persecution as informers.

Conclusion

The use of pharmaceuticals in the Roman Empire reveals a complex relationship between medicine, culture and substance regulation.

Opium, widely accepted and used, did not generate social problems or addictions as we understand them today. Roman legislation, rather than prohibiting, sought to regulate and ensure the quality of the substances, protecting consumers from dangerous adulterations.

The crackdown on bacchic cults reflects a concern more for cultural and social stability than for substance use per se.

This approach, compared to contemporary policies, invites us to reflect on how to balance regulation and respect for individual freedoms, avoiding falling into paternalisms that undermine personal autonomy and promote irrational persecution.

Jorge Melero and Jorge Escohotado (Los Emboscados), in Madrid on 28/12/2024

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